In addition, Israel also restricts fishing in areas bordering Israel and Egypt. In , in response to political and international pressure, the Israeli government decided to stop establishing new settlements. In practice, however, they receive governmental aid, protection and funding. About new settlement outposts were established throughout the West Bank via this mechanism. Although when first established the settlement outposts are small and consist of light, temporary structures, their impact far exceeds their built-up area.
The settlers and the soldiers deployed to protect them use force and various intimidation tactics to keep Palestinians from accessing much of their own land when it lies near where the outpost was built.
This mechanism further fragments Palestinian space in the West Bank through the solidification and expansion of Israeli civilian and military presence. After the Second Intifada broke out in September , Israel imposed new, severe restrictions on Palestinian movement inside the Occupied Territories.
In the Gaza Strip, Israel set up checkpoints that divided it into three separate areas. In the West Bank, Israel installed dozens of checkpoints and hundreds of physical obstacles, including dirt mounds, concrete blocks and ditches. These obstacles formed the most extensive and enduring restrictions on Palestinian movement since the occupation began, disrupting all aspects of the daily lives of all residents and keeping them from leading a normal routine.
Some of these obstacles have been removed and others have become permanent checkpoints. In June , the Israeli cabinet decided to construct the Separation Barrier. Israel thus broke up contiguous Palestinian urban and rural blocs, severed inter-community ties that had been forged over the course of generations, and reconfigured Palestinian space in one fell swoop. The route of the barrier — including the sections already built, and those under construction or awaiting construction — is kilometers long, more than twice as long as the boundary between Israel proper and the West Bank.
Another 53 kilometers about 7. The Separation Barrier was built in the style of a border barrier. Along most of its route, the barrier consists of an electronic fence with paved paths, barbed-wire fences and ditches flanking it on either side, and is about 60 meters wide on average. In urban areas, instead of this type of barrier, Israel constructed an eight- to nine-meter-high concrete wall, which runs to a total length of about 70 kilometers. Construction on the Separation Barrier in Jerusalem began in , during the Second Intifada, and was completed in Most of the barrier in the Jerusalem area takes the form of a high concrete wall, in some places actually abutting Palestinian homes.
Unlike the checkpoints that the military erected some ten years earlier deep within the West Bank, the barrier completely sealed off East Jerusalem from the rest of the West Bank, heightening its separation from the unannexed areas. This was the result of the chief consideration underlying the planned outline of the barrier: keeping it as much as possible along the municipal boundaries — which annexed West Bank land — in order to ensure control over the annexed land.
However, until the barrier was built, the municipal boundaries had few or no practical implications for the people living in Jerusalem and its environs. Palestinian communities in Jerusalem and the rest of the West Bank had ties that crossed municipal lines, including trade, culture, education and health services. When the barrier was built, it abruptly cut though this vibrant fabric of Palestinian life. Ultimately this all resulted in a winding route that adds up to some kilometers in length as it circles in and around the area of Jerusalem.
In , Israel declared all settlement jurisdiction areas — totaling some 54, hectares, almost a tenth of the West Bank — military zones that are off-limits to Palestinians. Overall there are now some , hectares of land, almost a third of the entire West Bank, that are declared closed military zones.
Even though the closure order has not been consistently enforced, it prevents any form of Palestinian development on these lands while securing them for future settlement use. These closure orders added approximately 18, more hectares to the areas officially closed to Palestinians in the West Bank.
From the early s and until the beginning of , the closure of some 36, hectares was withdrawn, mostly pursuant to the division of the West Bank when the Oslo Accords were signed.
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There are currently almost 30, hectares of declared nature reserves on West Bank land designated Area C. Some 4, hectares of land that had been declared nature reserves remained in Areas A and B. These parks include privately owned Palestinian land as well as land that lies within or adjacent to the built-up areas of Palestinian neighborhoods and villages and prevent their development or expansion. In September , Israel completed its so-called disengagement from the Gaza Strip. It dismantled all its settlements there, withdrew its military forces and declared the end of its military rule in the Gaza Strip.
Although Israel declared an end to its military administration in Gaza, it continues to control critical aspects of life there. Consequently, Israel has virtually complete control over the movement of people and goods into and out of Gaza. This is the case even when Gaza residents wish only to transit through Israel in order to reach the West Bank or other countries. In the summer of , after Hamas took over power in the Gaza Strip, Israel used its control over the crossings to impose a blockade on Gaza. Under its blockade policy, Israel prohibits travel into and out of Gaza, places limitations on the import of various products into Gaza, and severely restricts the export of goods.
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Most factories and hundreds of businesses have shut down. Electricity is supplied to the residents only a few hours a day. The power shortage also impacts water and sewage facilities, which must have power all the time and become virtually non-operational on an intermittent power supply. In addition, due to power shortages and chronic deficiency in medical equipment and supplies, the medical services available in the Gaza Strip fall far short of meeting the needs of the population, and many critical treatments are unavailable locally.
In these military campaigns, Israel killed thousands of people — including hundreds of children — destroyed thousands of structures and severely harmed infrastructure that was already on the brink of collapse , exacerbating the already dire situation in Gaza. The continued blockade prevents reconstruction, and tens of thousands of persons are still homeless in Gaza. The occupation — both its restructuring of space and its effects on Palestinian livelihoods — has been written into the landscape of Gaza and the West Bank.
Using imagery collected by NASA Landsat satellites, the occupation's manifestations through changes in vegetation as well as asphalt and concrete have been captured month after month, year in, year out since the mids. By contrasting processed satellite image composites based on individual images collected in and , thirty years of the cumulative effects of the occupation are revealed.
The establishment and subsequent sprawl of individual Israeli settlements and the transportation network in the West Bank is immediately evident when comparing the satellite image. In many cases, natural vegetation grasses, shrubs, and trees has been cleared to make way for settlement homes and supporting infrastructure. Littered throughout the West Bank, settlements are connected by paved roads that appear bright in satellite images and which privilege the passage of Israelis, sometimes prohibiting or otherwise restricting usage by Palestinians. A striking characteristic of Palestinian agricultural plots in the West Bank and Gaza is the highly fragmented and disaggregated pattern of agriculture compared to the more cohesive Israeli plots just beyond the separation barriers.
Such local-level differences along the length of these barriers does not merely result from local, natural variations in agricultural suitability associated with precipitation or rainfall. Rather, this pattern of small-scale agricultural production reflects the constrained irrigation system and limited agricultural market access by Palestinian farmers. Urban infrastructure in Gaza has clearly expanded in the thirty-year interim between satellite image composites, branching outwards along existing road networks in step with population growth.
However, much of this urban expansion has come at the expense of formerly productive agricultural lands. As concrete has displaced crops, agricultural lands have been relocated to rather barren, marginally productive lands near the separation wall and the coast. Gaza's population growth has resulted in a larger urban footprint, but this has come at the cost of agricultural productivity and food security in the short-term as well as soil erosion and landscape degradation in the long-term.
Indeed, these new agricultural lands have been made marginal both in their productivity and in their geography along the wall and water. On methods: The satellite composite is based on Landsat 5 satellite images, and the composite is based on Landsat 7 and 8 images. For both years, images were acquired as close to the date of March 1 during peak greenness conditions.
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Images were processed to surface reflectance eliminating atmospheric distortion , clouds and cloud shadows were removed following standardized processing methods, and Landsat 8 images were cross-calibrated with respect to Landsat 5 and 7 following published methods; such processing supports confident visual interpretation of landscape condition and change over time. Satellite image composites are displayed using a standard "false color" visualization based on near-infrared, red, and green light.
With this visualization approach, bright red pixels suggest robust vegetation, grey pixels correspond to urban, built-up, and other infrastructural features, water bodies are black, and brown tones indicate bare soil or barren lands. Soldier checking car at A-Ram Checkpoint at the entrance to Jerusalem. Soldiers detain farmers on dirt road leading to the towns Tammun and Tubas, in the western Jordan Valley.
Palestinians waiting to enter Israel at Tarqumya Checkpoint. Dirt roadblock put up by military at al-Fahs junction at the southern entrance to Hebron. Israeli soldiers detain Palestinians in donkey drawn cart at the separation barrier, near the Palestinian city of Qalqilya. Israeli soldiers arrive at settlement of Neve Dekalim, Gaza, for the purpose of implementing the Disengagement Plan.
A Palestinian family watches the sun rise from the wreckage of their home in the neighborhood of at-Tuffah in Gaza city, which was destroyed during operation Protective Edge. It was over fifty years ago that Israel occupied the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, part of which it annexed to Jerusalem.
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To this day, it continues to control these areas and the people living there. For over half a century, Israel has created a reality of dispossession, oppression and human rights abuses in Gaza and the West Bank. In order to expand and consolidate control over the lands it occupied, Israel has applied myriad military, civilian, legal and administrative measures through which it has torn apart Palestinian space, divided the Palestinian population into dozens of disconnected enclaves and unraveled its social, cultural and economic fabric.
In the West Bank, Israel allocated to settlements most of the rural area outside the Palestinian enclaves, including land in the area it annexed to Jerusalem, bringing about a fragmentation of Palestinian space and resulting in Israeli takeover of the land. The disparate units Israel has created in the Occupied Territories differ from one another, based on how Israel defines them, the status it has accorded their residents and its plans for each area.
Israel runs their lives, denies them political rights and a voice in determining their future. After more than fifty years, it is impossible to continue viewing the occupation as a temporary situation.
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Given this state of affairs, the implications of standing idly by are well understood. What is now needed is not just more words and analysis. For over fifty years Israel has wielded direct or indirect control over the entire West Bank including East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip. Under its rule, millions of Palestinians have had no political rights nor any say in determining their present or their future. It is a reality that is inherently violent and undemocratic. It is a reality that must be brought to an end. It actually started out as an agrarian reform settlement somehow close to the Juma River.
It's population is estimated at about Cattle ranching is its main industry. In general, its primary trade partner is the city of Porto Velho, both in terms of selling and buying. It can take 2, 3 or even 6 days or more. Nowadays, however, as administrative roles are on the rise, its relations with Manaus have been increasing. After the early influxes of migrants, other, greedier migrants arrived often causing conflicts and grabbing lands.
They grab public lands — either federal or state properties — and chase away local communities, settlers or posseiros squatter peasants through threats or physical violence. Resisting could mean loss of properties, injuries or even death. Deforestation is the usual mean to fulfil their objectives.