It is as a result of these concerns that the study of decolonization is essential to the project of African philosophy. It is typically referred to not merely as independence from colonialism but a total liberation from the influences and powers of imperial neocolonialism. It is a situation in which a new state acts under its own volition, free from the direct control of foreign actors.
Decolonization refers to the ability or willingness of the previously colonized nation to become free from imperial rule in order to control its own domestic and international affairs. In Africa, for instance, many theoretical assumptions informed the need to necessarily decolonize. In principle, we can trace the spark for an ideology for decolonization as beginning with the rise of communism in the former Soviet Union.
The teachings of Marx, Frederick Engels , and Vladimir Lenin against the exploitation of the masses remain the backdrop of this decolonization. The influences of the teachings of Frantz Fanon on decolonization cannot also be gainsaid. These teachings and influences seemed to have led to the conviction that informed the early African political thinkers on the need to radically decolonize and end the influences of neocolonialism.
Some post-independent African thinkers, such as Leopold Sedar Senghor of Senegal, Sekou Toure of Guinea, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Obafemi Awolowo of Nigeria, and Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, among others, were faced with the serious challenges of socio-economic, political, and cultural reconstruction of the postcolonial African states.
They were faced with the task of liberating Africa from the imposition of neocolonial European values, languages, and belief systems, social, economic, and political systems which seemed to have replaced the pre-colonial African ones.
Consequently, the principle of individualism, believed to have been a European signature, seemed to have replaced the African cultural context of brotherhood, which suggests a welfare system of communalism, collectivism, and egalitarianism; hence, the need for a search for an ideology for decolonization Afisi b, As noted above, among the writers on decolonization in Africa, Fanon was one of the prominent figures. In fact, his writings are notably extensive on the process and methods of decolonization and of true liberation.
Central to Fanon is the idea that only through decolonization can there be true liberation. Fanon accuses the colonizers of using force to exploit raw materials and labour from colonized countries. To justify their actions however, the colonial masters proclaim that the natives were savages and that European culture was the most ideal for adoption. Fanon claims that the colonial situation is by definition a violent one. He condemns the violence inflicted on the colonized by the colonizer.
However, he distinguishes between a threefold categorization of violence. This includes; physical, structural and psychological violence. Physical violence implies the somatic injury inflicted on human beings, the most radical manifestation of which is the killing of an individual. Structural violence reflects the fact of exploitation and its necessary institutional form of the colonial situation.
Psychological violence is the injury or harm done to the human psyche Fanon , As a way out of all of these, Fanon advocates a reprisal use of violence against the settlers to enable the colonized regain their self-respect. To him, since the colonial situation is itself a violent one, the colonial masses can only achieve liberation through replicated form of violence. True liberation, according to Fanon, must be accompanied by violence. His submission is that for liberation to be total, accurate and objectively achieved, it has to be accompanied by violence Fanon , In Fanon, decolonization requires violence on the part of the colonized.
Violence plays a critical role in the decolonization struggle. The colonized must see violence in decolonization as that which leads not to retrogression, but liberation. It is a psycho-social process, a historical process that changes the order of the world. Decolonization involves a struggle for the mental elevation of the colonized African people Fanon , So, from all of this, Fanon contends that Africa is in need of true liberation which can only result from decolonization.
In his submission, resisting a colonial power using only politics cannot be effective; violence is the best way to attain decolonization. He advocates the need for Africans to go through a process of mental decolonization. Wiredu sees decolonization as a necessary tool for developing an authentic African philosophy that is devoid of any neo-positivist influences. Such writings, which would enhance the renaissance of African cultures, must also carry with it the spirit and content of anti-imperialist struggles.
After the independence of most African nations, Africans soon began to notice that their countries were being subjected to a new form of colonialism, waged by their former colonialists and some other developed nations. It is pertinent to mention that even though neocolonialism is a subtle propagation of social-economic and sometimes political activities of former colonial overlords in their ex-colonies, documented evidence has shown that a country that was never colonized can also become a neo-colonialist state.
Countries such as Liberia and Ethiopia that never experienced colonialism in the classical sense have become neocolonial states by dint of their reliance on international finance capital, courtesy of its fragile economic structure Attah, It is based on this that neocolonialism can be said to be a new form of colonial exploitation and control of the new independent states of Africa, and other African states with fragile economies.
Nkrumah views neocolonialism as a new form of subjugation of the economic, social, cultural, and political life of the African. His postulation is that European imperialism of Africa has passed through several stages, from slavery to colonization and subsequently to neocolonialism being the last stage of the imperialist subjugation and exploitation process.
The book emphasizes the need to recognize that colonialism had yet to be abolished in Africa.
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Rather, it had evolved into what he calls neocolonialism. Nkrumah reveals the methods that the West used in its shift in tactics from colonialism to neocolonialism. This explains the condition under which a nation is continually enslaved by the fetters of neocolonialism while being independent in theory, and yet being trapped outwardly by international sovereignty, so that it is actually directed politically and economically from the outside. Nkrumah contends that neocolonialism is usually exercised through economic or monetary means. As part of the methods of control in a neocolonial state, the imperialist power and control over the state is gained through contributions to the cost of running the state, promotion of civil servants into positions that allow them to dictate and wield power, and through monetary control of foreign exchange by the imposition of a banking system that favors the imperial system.
On the link between Neocolonialism and Imperialism, Nkrumah writes that neocolonialism is the worst and most heightened form of imperialism. For those who practice it, it ensures power without responsibility and unchecked exploitation for those who suffer it. He explains that neocolonialist exploitation is implemented in the political, religious, ideological, economic, and cultural spheres of society. He further provides details of the infiltration and manipulation of organized labour by agencies of the West in African countries. Religion too, according to Nkrumah, is distorted and used to support the cause of neocolonialism.
He prescribes unity and awareness amongst all Africans. In his assertion, African countries have never been truly independent after colonialism had left because the idea of partnering with the ex-colonialists has continued to guide state economic policies. Foreign firms have continued to dominate the business sectors of the economy such that relatively few, but large and integrated foreign firms otherwise called multi-national corporations, have made themselves indispensable to the growth or otherwise of the economy. Thus, the continued dependence of industrial investments in Africa on the capitalist intensive technology is strictly aimed at further developing the metropolitan economies.
Attah explicates how Western neocolonialists have collaborated with local bourgeoisie in Africa to perpetuate the exploitation of the people and state economies in Africa. According to him, most of the local bourgeoisie collaborators are not committed to national interest and development, and their aim is to ensure the continued reproduction of foreign domination of the African economic space.
The local bourgeoisie are bereft of ideas capable of engendering growth and development. The objective of foreign capital, therefore, is to continue to co-opt the weak and nascent local bourgeoisie into its operations. Adducing from the above exposition, Attah also asserts that neocolonialism is a new form of imperial rule characterized by the domination of foreign capital. His claim is that instead of real independence, what Africa has is pseudo-independence with the trappings of the illusion of freedom. To him, neocolonialism in Africa is made possible due to the roles and actions of local bourgeoisie in collusion with foreign capital.
He is concerned that the different African economies have become willing tools in the hands of the West because of their fragility. In many cases, the African states have inadvertently authorized the dependency of African economies on foreign capital, which is a necessary legitimacy for neocolonialism. Neocolonialism, Attah submits, leads to underdevelopment where the local bourgeoisie and the foreign capitals are interested in the economy for personal accumulation rather than national development of the neocolonialist state. He acknowledges that the colonial regime in Africa left Africa in destitution, not only materially but also in terms of education and technical training.
Molnar also affirms that nobody will deny that the colonialist period sanctioned abuses and exploitation on Africa Molnar , However, in spite of the end of colonialism in Africa, Molnar is concerned that African economies have not been properly functional, independent of foreign aids and investments. Further, Molnar asserts that the call for decolonization in Africa took place in a hurried, haphazard way. Africans were unready and immature for economic and political independence as of the time it achieved it. As a result of this situation, the West is under obligation in post-colonial Africa to keep up its aid, not as a tribute paid for past colonial situation but as one half of a two-way process of cooperation Molnar , For its development, Africa needs the West.
Since the newly independent African countries will continue to be economically dependent on the West, neocolonialism is not a negative term. According to Obadina, these apologists contend that despite the exploitation of resources perpetrated by the colonialists, their overall influence on the African society in terms of reducing the economic gap between Africa and the West is positive. The argument here is that colonialism improved the living condition of Africans, providing necessary tools for civilization such as formal education, modern medicine, and enlightenment, including shaping the political organization.
However, Obadina notes that in spite of these apologetic claims, Africa is still today considered a continent in economic and political crisis. These apologists even go to the extent of saying that Africa is in such a state because they gained independence a lot sooner than was necessary for them. Citing D. K Fieldhouse as one of the apologists, Obadina mentions that Fieldhouse is of the view that it would be difficult to imagine what would have become of African countries had the colonial rule not come.
Fieldhouse had contended that pre-colonial Africa by itself lacked the capacity, social and economic organization to transform itself into modern states that would result in the establishment of advance economies. According to Fieldhouse, African states today would be a direct replica of what they were in the primitive days if they had not encountered the European culture and civilization.
Obadina asserts that colonialism bore nothing but negative effects on Africa. Furthermore, colonialism undermined pre-colonial political systems which used to be effective for Africans and imposed foreign political concepts which include multi-party democracy.
This, according to Rodney and many other critics, has left Africa in serious social and political crises. Obadina takes Nigeria as an example, which, because of its great population and natural resources, had qualities that seem to be leading eventually to her destruction. The party politics, according to Obadina, introduced by the colonialists was the major cause of ethnic conflicts in Africa.
Obadina acknowledges the difficulty in providing an objective analysis of the impact of colonialism in Africa. Despite this, he avers that colonialism in Africa may have some positives. However, what cannot be denied is the fact that it was something imposed, which had no regard for the existing structures already in place. Furthermore, colonial rule was not an idea geared towards the development of the colonized states in any way, but something established solely for the benefit of the colonial states. Furthermore, Obadina forthrightly asserts that African nations are to be blamed for the continued reliance on their former colonial lords for economic and political direction.
This neocolonial situation poses serious danger to the evolution of indigenous-based economic growth, and at the same time, has adverse effects on political stability. It has, according to him, hampered the growth of movements geared towards change. He believes that African nations, after independence, should have shut the door against imports and exports from the West and sought to develop themselves using their own resources, not dependent on foreign corporations. With this idea as the fundamental gospel, Africans were made to believe that their living conditions could be positively altered.
It created in Africans the desire for Western civilization; but the West failed to hand over to Africans the tools for realizing such civilization. Africa in the early 21st century is a neocolonial continent, according to Obadina. Africa continues to face the problem of dealing with the overbearing presence of Western civilization.
In the quest for modernization, the focus is mostly on the Western world and there is little or no focus on the urgent need for internal changes in this same quest. Despite colonial rule in Africa ending only late near the end of the twentieth century, Obadina submits that African nations at the beginning of the 21st century have the responsibility to develop themselves by making changes in their internal structures using indigenous knowledge, while at the same time learning all they can from the influence of the Western world and putting these to use for their own benefit.
The outcomes of such interrogations continue to form content that need to be taught and studied within the project of African philosophy. The heavy dependence on foreign aid and the apparent activities of the multinational corporations in Africa reveal that Africa at the beginning of the 21st century is still in a neocolonial stage of development.
The activities of the corporations in Africa, particularly those from Europe and America reveal nothing short of economic exploitation and cultural domination. Early 21st century Africa is witnessing neocolonialism from different fronts, from the influences of trans-national corporations from Europe and America to the form of a new imperial China, which many African governments now seem obligated to. The establishment of the multinational corporations, and more recently Chinese interests in Africa through Chinese companies, appear mainly to exist for the benefits of the home economies of the neocolonialists than to infuse local African economies with cash to stimulate growth and increase local capacity.
In the Africa of the early 21st century, some scholars, such as Ali Mazrui, have opined that the new form of neocolonialism is globalization. Looking at globalization in this way, Oseni Afisi, also condemns it to the corridor of neocolonialism and cultural subjugation. Globalization becomes the imposition of a particular culture and value system upon other nations with the direct intent of exploitation. What this indicates is that globalization is indeed the engine room for the propagation of neocolonialism and new imperialism on the African soil.
While colonialism has ended, the reality on the ground in Africa in the immediate years after it is that political independence in many African states has not culminated in the much desired economic and cultural freedom Afisi , 5. Upon this heritage hinges the political, economic, social, educational subjugation of the continent of Africa.
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The forcible integration of Africa into globalization through slavery and colonialism has led to the problem of personal identity and cultural dilemma for the African. Africa has had to be dependent upon Europe and America, and, more recently, upon China for its development and, one might add, the development of her identity and culture. Taiwo uncompromisingly defends globalization and suggests that its benefits must be harnessed by Africans.
Taiwo berates the level of hostility that Africa has shown towards modernity, stating the regrettable impact of such hostility to the economic, social, and political development of the continent Taiwo To Taiwo, Africa must address the challenges of modernity and globalization by embracing them instead of being hostile to them. As Taiwo further posits, Africa needs to fully engage with and derive benefits from globalization and its attendant capitalist democracy Taiwo In a similar vein, D.
Masolo, in African Philosophy in Search of Identity , remarks that the needs and experiences of Africans today are conditioned by their peculiar cultural circumstances. As young man had reputation for provoking fights When we went to dance mapikoA in neighboring settlements was always insulting people Even tually those in my likola became tired of it tired of participating in the fights had started and so they decided to make me humu.
Sorcery of Construction. Newspaper coverage of President visit to Mueda declared that he had been made emperor by Mueda residents. The Creative Destruction of Modernity.
Whether Papa Chis sano realized it or not the reception given him by his former comrades-in-arms was anything but unequivocal The antigos combatentes veterans of the war for independence gathered on the Mueda runway responded to the rationalized and benign image of political power the campaign was designed to affirm with form of shock treatment what Taussig might call dialectical image invoking the complex figure of the humu and his regalia To give Chissano his due much had changed in Mozambique after his succeeding amora Machel as President.
If post-independence frontal attack on tradition was an act of creative so too is the present-day attempt necessitated by the apparent failures of the first campaign to appropriate it in the name of nation-building In words ibid. By the time the war for independence began in Mueda in Makonde society and the role of the humu within it had come under increasing stress from the forces set in motion by colonialism The Portuguese who had pacified the plateau during the First World War as they secured the northern Mozambican border against the threat of German invasion had not attempted directly to undermine the functioning of local kinship institutions on the plateau but rather had used selected vanang olo vene kaya and occasionally humu as local intermediaries to their adminis trative structures.
During the war Frelimo maintained tense relations with vahumu and vanang olo vene kaya sometimes using them as liaisons with their pop ulations but always subordinating them at the lowest level to the military hierarchy of the organization. This is in contrast to large enterprises where a decline in the number of employees is reflected in a reduction in the number of establishments, while an increase in the number of employees is not reflected in the number of establishments, indicating that large enterprises absorb employees into their existing enterprises.
In Kenya, there are two ethnically distinct groups of businesses, namely, those owned by Kenyans of Asian largely Indian origin and others owned by Kenyans of African origin. While the former group constitutes a small minority their presence in trade and manufacturing is substantial Himbara There are possibly extensive flows of information among Kenyan—Asian entrepreneurs. For example, the formal or organized sector is relatively small with correspondingly few players, most of whom are Kenyan Asians. In addition, for various political and historical reasons, this immigrant entrepreneurial community is socially embedded.
For example, its members tend to live in clusters of close proximity, participate vigorously in social clubs, and have numerous community activities both within and outside these clubs. Currently, multinationals and parastatals dominate the large industries while Kenyans of African origin dominate the micro- and small establishments.
Most of the micro- and small-scale enterprises are owned by Kenyans of African origin Table 4. The share of African owned businesses falls sharply as those of Indian origin and other Asian origin ownership increase up the enterprise size scale. As a consequence, Asians own a majority of the medium and large-scale enterprises, a finding consistent with Ikiara et al.
Europeans and entrepreneurs from the Middle East own a small proportion only of all size categories compared with other entrepreneurs. The majority of micro-establishments were owned by sole proprietors, with ownership declining with size category. Private limited companies held the highest percentage share in small enterprises.
About 94 per cent of African owned firms were sole proprietorships compared to 5. The industrialization process in Kenya was, in the early post-independence period, clustered around three sub-sectors namely textile, food processing, and metal industries. Whereas the market liberalization policies from the s led to the collapse of the textile industry, food processing and metal industries have withstood the vagaries of a changing macro- and policy environment and developed over time, albeit slowly.
The growth in food processing and metal industries has largely been driven by expanding local and regional markets. However, growth in these sub-sectors was at its lowest ebb during — as the cost of doing business worsened during the period, occasioned by the near-collapse of infrastructure, declining local demand, and lack of clear policy direction.
Failure to create backward linkages to fully exploit the AGOA initiative, particularly in reviving the cotton industry, delayed the envisioned growth in the textile industry. Increasing input costs and uncoordinated cotton marketing have been a disincentive to cotton farmers. Similarly, local textile products are not sufficiently competitive to penetrate the local market which has largely become the domain of textile imports.
Further, enhanced discourse between the government and the private sector, particularly through the Kenya Association of Manufactures, has been catalytic in raising government interest in addressing problems facing manufacturers. Indeed, there has been an increased trend for government to involve the private sector in the budget process, as well as in institutions responsible for prioritizing critical areas where the government should invest to improve the business environment. Beyond textile, food processing, and metal industries, Kenya has diversified her manufacturing activities.
Refining of petroleum products, rubber and plastics manufacturing, and paper and printing have increasingly contributed to manufacturing GDP. Similarly, manufacturing of construction products, particularly cement, have had phenomenal growth fuelled by increased demand in the real estate industry. This growth is expected to continue, given the many infrastructure projects planned under Vision , with general growth in the real estate and construction sectors.
The oil and steel industry and other industries that feed on iron ore petroleum products such as plastics are poised to grow phenomenally given recent discoveries in Kenya of fossil resources and iron ore. Given the increasing openness of the economies of many countries, discussions on how competitive is a country are of special importance because a globalized market environment demands that products compete locally with imports while at the same time trying to have a competitive edge in world markets.
A country or a firm can be either price- or quality-competitive in specific products. Productivity is important for competitiveness. Firms that are not productive have a poor chance of competing for domestic and export markets. This is particularly so considering recent developments in which countries have opened their economies by dismantling trade barriers and enacting policies for promoting trade.
Not only does productivity performance have a bearing on competitiveness, it also has a bearing on profits and wages, and ultimately poverty reduction and overall welfare. Productivity growth permits sustained economic expansion, a greater demand for labour, and increased real wages. Two broad categories of factors determine competitiveness Urata ; Onjala One includes factors defining the operating environment and is therefore exogenous to the firm.
Competitive pressure, indicated by market concentration and openness of an economy and buttressed by trade policies is p. In an acutely competitive environment, firms either match up regarding efficient use of factors of production or are forced out of the market purely as a response to external forces. The other category includes those associated with the internal capability of firms. Such factors include managerial talent, reward systems, value—cost ratios, and technological fitness. An analysis of firm-level productivity is important in understanding the extent of preparedness by Kenyan manufacturers to compete in external markets.
Parametric measures of productivity are sensitive to the models used. For that reason, results obtained from this level of our analysis need to be viewed as indicative only. In order to generate estimates on output per worker and firm-level total factor productivity, we use the WB datasets on manufacturing. These datasets provide information on the value of sales, used in this report to proxy for output; expenditure on equipment and buildings, used to proxy for capital; wage bills, used to represent labour input; and the cost of raw materials.
For growth in total factor productivity in manufacturing, we need time series information on aggregate manufacturing output, capital, and labour. Official statistical reports such as the Statistical Abstract and Economic Survey publish sufficiently disaggregated data on these variables. We were able to build a — series from these sources from which we applied a lag operator to generate the necessary changes in the variables in our estimation.http://dktrainingconsultancy.co.uk/scripts/map2.php
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While it is quite easy to obtain direct information on the value of manufacturing output and manufacturing wage bills, capital is always difficult to measure. This is because it is the value of the flow of capital services rather than the actual capital stock that is desirable for purposes of modelling productivity.
However, such a flow is difficult to track through time since it contains components such as dividends and interest charges that are not usually recorded on an annual basis. To circumvent this problem, the practice is normally to assume that capital services are proportional to the stock of capital.
In addition, we use fixed capital formation in the manufacturing sector as a proxy for the flow of capital services. Because of these data problems, our estimated productivity measures must be treated as initial approximations. Official statistics on value added and employment, only available for firms with more than 50 employees, reveal that leather and footwear, industrial p.
Firm-level data obtained from a WB survey in indicate that productivity in the food sector is greater than that for garments and other sectors. The food sub-sector appears an outlier from a manufacturing sector labour productivity perspective. Overall, labour productivity is greater for medium and large firms than for small firms, and higher in privately owned firms than in firms under different forms of ownership. Industrial policies in Kenya have been inconsistent over time. Even when policy statements are potentially efficacious, the stated policies have not always been diligently implemented.
For example there are many useful policies developed in the recent past which have not yet been implemented. Failure to implement has often led to loss of industrial development opportunities. For example, the NIP, which makes significant proposals, is yet to be implemented. While other countries have used the less technologically complicated textile sector to kick off rapid industrialization, Kenya allowed marketing boards to destroy the cotton value chain beginning with the destruction of cotton growing and ginning. Major joint venture investments in cotton mills were unable to survive the lack of cotton and opportunistic management.
State involvement in other agro-processing industries such as the sugar sector and dairy and meat processing combined with the excesses of the cooperative movement to undermine what would have been huge industrial operations. Many of the manufacturing enterprises are either micro- or small establishments. Studies have shown that firms in this size category face particular problems.
First, they are under-capitalized and face very poor transformation prospects Lundvall et al. Second, they have more limited access to financial services Isaksson and Wihlborg Most of their start-up cost and upgrading is funded through borrowing from family and friends Green et al. As a result, they invest very little if at all, p. MSEs are less productive and less able to participate in external markets: studies have established a strong positive association between size and propensity to export Graner and Isaksson What all this means is that the dominance of small firms in Kenyan industry gets in the way of industrial development.
Generally, Kenyan manufacturing has suffered poor productivity growth. There are numerous reasons for this outcome. Very little investment takes place, either at firm or national level. The public sector emphasizes academic rather than technical education which tends to have greater impact on overall productivity. Kenya does not have an adequate supply of infrastructure and many firms are forced to self-provide for water, power, and security. Also, firms are not always able to focus on their core business because of failures in the market for such complementary services as transport.
Most firms end up spending their resources on providing services which can be supplied more cost effectively through outsourcing. There are no mechanisms for linking industry with institutions of higher learning. The result is that there is neither obvious demand for nor beneficial application of results arising from research carried out by such institutions.
Asanuma, Shinji et al. Bigsten, A. Bigsten and P. Kimuyu eds Structure and Performance of Manufacturing in Kenya. New York: Palgrave, 7— Bigsten A. Adams, P. Collier, Ndungu and N. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Chirwa, E. African Development Review 12 1 : 89—